Oct 27, 2020
Kyrgyzstan village untouched by political unrest
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TASH-BASHAT, Kyrgyzstan (AP) — The political turmoil that has gripped Kyrgyzstan hasn’t reached the quiet village of Tash-Bashat in the mountains near the capital, where residents talk about the country’s feuding elites with resignation and disdain.
Kanat Kaliyev, a 57-year-old farmer, and his family said they have little respect for authorities, whom they see as deeply corrupt.
“Let them steal, but they at least must do something for the people,” said Kaliyev’s 27-year-old son, Azret. “But no, they try to steal it all.”
Kaliyev and other villagers cautiously welcome Sadyr Zhaparov, who became the country’s caretaker leader after President Sooronbai Jeenbekov was forced to step down under pressure from protesters following the disputed Oct. 4 parliamentary election.
The developments marked the third time in 15 years that a leader of this Central Asian country on the border with China has been forced out by a popular uprising. Just like the uprisings that ousted presidents in 2005 and 2010, the latest turmoil was driven by clan rivalries that dominate politics in Kyrgyzstan, one of the poorest countries to emerge after the 1991 Soviet collapse.
The constitution bars Zhaparov, as the acting head of state, from running for president in an early vote set for January, but he said he would renounce his duties beginning next month in order to join the race.
Zhaparov’s supporters, who forced the president’s resignation, were bused to the capital from his home region of Issyk-Kul. Residents of Tash-Bashat, located 20 kilometers (12 miles) southeast of the capital, didn’t take part in the turmoil.
Kaliyev said that he and other villagers would support Zhaparov as the nation’s new leader, but warned that he would be forced out too if he becomes mired in corruption like his predecessors.
Like other Tash-Bashat residents, the Kaliyev family raises sheep and cattle. They complain bitterly about the lack of state support and authorities’ failure to repair crumbling infrastructure.
“They collect taxes, but they do nothing. The government isn’t paying any attention to the citizens’ needs,” said Kaliyev, adding that authorities haven’t fulfilled their longtime promises to pave a road leading to the village.
Life follows its centuries-old course in the village nestled between the scenic mountains, with residents herding sheep and cows in the mountains, producing milk and milk products and taking their goods to local markets for sale.
In their free time, local men love to play Kok Boru, a traditional game in which players on horseback maneuver with a goat’s carcass and score by putting it into the opponents’ goal.
News Source: newsbrig.com
Brazilian Politics Hit by Wave of Violence Ahead of Sunday Vote
By Lisandra Paraguassu
BRASILIA (Reuters) - Brazilians return to the polls in 57 cities on Sunday for the runoffs of municipal elections that have seen surging violence involving assassinations and physical attacks on candidates.
In two months of campaigning leading up to the first round of voting on Nov. 15, there were 200 murders, attempted murders or otherwise injured candidates, according to Brazilian electoral authority TSE.
That compares to 63 cases of political violence in the first eight months of this election year, and just 46 such cases in the previous municipal elections in 2016, the report by the TSE's security and intelligence unit found.
Violence has always been present in Brazilian politics, especially in the "wild west" of poorer northern and northeastern states where powerful landowners occasionally have called on hired guns to settle political disputes.
The violence even reached the national Congress in Brasilia. In 1963, Senator Arnon de Mello from the state of Alagoas pulled out a gun in the chamber to settle a quarrel with an adversary, missing his shot and killing another senator.
In 1993, the Paraiba Governor Ronaldo Cunha Lima shot dead his predecessor for alleging his son was corrupt.
In recent years, experts say violence has become more widespread in a polarized Brazil where more guns are available and new criminal organizations are consolidating power in cities such as Rio de Janeiro. The risks are greater in local politics where crimes often go unpunished, said Felipe Borba, who tracks electoral violence at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.
"In smaller districts there is direct confrontation between local rivals. The winner takes all and losing office means you have nothing," he said in an interview.
He pointed to two murders in one day. On Sept. 24, three days before campaigning began, a town council candidate in the state of Minas Gerais, Cassio Remis of the centrist Brazilian Social Democratic Party, was assassinated with five shots in a public killing caught on security cameras. The same day in Pernambuco state, another candidate Valter do Conselho from the center-right Democrats (DEM) party also was shot dead.
The violence is hurting all parties, including the right and left.
Four days before the Nov. 15 vote, in the Rio suburb of Nova Iguaçu, local DEM candidate Domingo Cabral, was shot dead by hooded men in a bar. The day before, Mauro da Rocha, of the Christian Workers Party, was murdered in the same town.
The violence continued even after the polls closed. Edmar Santana of the right-wing Patriota party, who had just been elected substitute councilman in Sumaré, a city in Sao Paulo state, died riddled with bullets fired by a man passing on a motor bike.
"In Rio, there is a pattern. Political violence mainly involves organized crime, drug trafficking or paramilitary militia groups," Borba said.
Many political killings remain unresolved, particularly in the interior of the country where near impunity reigns, he said.
Even high-profile cases do not get fully resolved, such as the 2018 assassination of Rio de Janeiro councilwoman Marielle Franco, a rising politician of the left-wing PSOL party, and her driver.
Despite domestic and international pressure, police to this day have only caught the gunman, former military policeman Ronnie Lessa, but not the mastermind behind Brazil's most high-profile recent political killing.
(Reporting by Lisandra Paraguassu, Writing by Anthony Boadle; editing by Diane Craft)
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